Generally, in the territories under British administration, only Kenya showed the violent side of “Africanism” with the Mau-Mau, who associated terrorism with superstition, though they only represented a small part of a tribal group. Segregation policies and African responses to them correspond to reasons that are more structural, economic, and demographic.Īccording to Lord Hailey, in South Africa, one of the most discussed segregation cases in the world, the integration of close to two thousand Africans into an economy driven by another two thousand white people and the subsequent improvement of the Africans’ quality of life-despite their lack of leadership and the absence of a sense of community coupled with the strong positions taken by the white population-set up a context for the process through which the Africans were gaining consciousness of their important role. The reasons that determined such a difference were not just dependent on the political systems created by the colonial European states. 3 Sure, the attention given to the “native African”-not to be confused with nationalism, which had been imbued with a sense of what might more properly be considered tribalism-varied in scale: the attention given was quite noticeable in the British territories, also visible in the French, less seen in the Belgian territories, and even less so in the Portuguese ones. According to the British conference participant, the large shift that had taken place in the last few decades was based in the emergence of the African voice. In February 1957, Lord Hailey gave a talk at the Sociedade de Geografia as part of a conference titled “The Rising Spirit of Africanism.” Its published translation into Portuguese, which appeared in the Sociedade’s Boletim from the same year, misrepresented the spirit of the message that the former governor of various provinces in India (1924–1928, Punjab 1928–1934, the region that is now known as Uttar Pradesh) and the coordinator of African Survey: A Study of Problems Arising in Africa South of the Sahara (1938) had delivered. Do mesmo modo, o seu sonho nobre de objectividade nos usos historiográficos do passado impediu-o de aceitar os mitos que se estavam a estabelecer acerca do mundo que os portugueses criaram nos trópicos.Ĭolonialismo, Relações Raciais, Charles R. Boxer chegou tarde ao debate sobre as relações raciais e a natureza do colonialismo português. Finalmente, sob a pressão do início da Guerra em Angola em 1961, os círculos portugueses ligados à academia e à política prepararam uma variedade de respostas. Nos Estados Unidos, foram universitários, tais como James Duffy, que participaram no mesmo tipo de debate. Em Inglaterra, Basil Davidson, entre outros jornalistas, foi pioneiro na elaboração de um discurso anti-colonial. Boxer? Para colocar a intenção do autor nos seus contextos de pertinência, três exercícios analíticos deverão ser considerados. Boxer, HistoriographyĬomo ler As Relações Raciais no Império Colonial Português (1450-1825) de Charles B. By the same token, his noble dream of objectivity in using the past also prevented him to accept established myths on Portuguese life in the tropics.Ĭolonialism, Race relations, Charles R. Boxer arrived late to the debate on race relations and the nature of Portuguese colonialism, and his conservative views prevented him from becoming an anti-colonial intellectual. Finally, under the pressure of the emerging war in Angola at the beginning of 1961, Portuguese circles of academics and politicians prepared a variety of responses. In the US, academics like James Duffy participated in the same kind of debate. In England, Basil Davidson, among other journalists, took the lead of an anti-colonial discourse. How do we read Charles Boxer's Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire (1450-1825)? In order to identify the author's intention, three main analytical contexts should be taken into account. The Debate on Race Relations in the Portuguese Empire and Charles R.
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